Comment As Chinese President Xi Jinping prepared for his coronation this week as China’s 21st-century emperor, he trumpeted the success of his hardline policies over the past five years — and, in the process, offered an ominous warning of what’s to come. Xi’s self-celebration came in the “work report” he delivered Sunday to the National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party meeting in Beijing. It was an unyielding official confirmation of the leftward turn he has adopted — with no sign of acknowledging the damage those policies have done to China’s economy or reputation abroad. The conference will conclude this weekend giving Xi an unprecedented third term as China’s leader and installing a new generation of trusted Xi supporters in the ruling Politburo. Most telling about this festival of personal celebration: Xi’s utter lack of self-criticism. Outside the echo chamber of Chinese propaganda, there are growing signs that Xi is making mistakes. China’s economic growth is slowing, to what many expect could be below 3 percent this year, and the party was apparently so nervous about it that it delayed this week’s planned release of GDP numbers for third trimester. China’s business elite, meanwhile, is struggling to cope with Xi’s emphasis on inefficient state-owned companies rather than Chinese innovators. And Chinese citizens have suffered from an oppressive “zero Covid” lockdown. David Von Drehle: Xi wants China to eclipse US He could be his own worst enemy. Some analysts had expected he might offer some modest concessions to his critics at home and abroad — scaling back the zero-Covid policy, for example, or promoting officials who could provide more of the checks and balances that have existed between China’s collective leadership until Xi took power in 2012 and began a ruthless consolidation. Follow David Ignatius’ viewsFollow Add But Xi did not apologize for China’s recent course, only praising his policies and pointing insults at his critics. The setting of the party congress gave special importance to his self-evaluation. The bottom line: If Xi has been moving in the wrong direction in recent years, as many Chinese and foreign analysts believe, he is now promising to run even faster in that direction in the future. Xi’s speech was encyclopedic. The official translation was 60 pages, single-spaced. The soft topic was “socialism for the new era,” and Xi mentioned this “new era” — the Xi era, we might call it — more than 40 times. The speech had 80 references to security, 45 to socialism, 23 to technology. He once mentioned freedom. Xi’s tone toward the United States was not bellicose, but indicated that China is headed for a period of intense competition with what he suggested was an intimidating America: “Faced with drastic changes in the international landscape, especially external attempts at blackmail, , blockade and exerting maximum pressure on China, we have put our national interests first, focused on domestic political concerns and maintained firm strategic resolve,” he said. Xi’s most interesting comments were his attacks on domestic critics, who grumbled about the Communist Party’s increasingly tight control over all areas of Chinese life. Xi tore into these naysayers: “Within the Party, there were many issues regarding the support of the Party leadership, including a lack of clear understanding and effective action, and a slide toward weak, hollow and weakened Party leadership in practice. “ Charles Lane: For China, Xi’s coronavirus policy is a giant leap backwards The Chinese leader continued: “Some Party members and officials wavered in their political beliefs. Despite repeated warnings, pointless formalities, red tape, hedonism and extravagance persisted in some locations and departments. Privilege-seeking attitudes and practices were a serious problem and some deeply shocking cases of corruption had been uncovered.” On the police-state Covid-19 lockdowns, Xi said he had launched “an all-out people’s war to stop the spread of the virus” and made no mention of the human cost of these policies. With the coronavirus, China is truly caught between the health risks of an aging population and the costs of stifling trade and social interaction. On the economy, Xi defended his neo-Maoist emphasis on state-owned enterprises and the consequent restriction of businessmen. He attacked the “worship of money, hedonism, self-centeredness and historical nihilism” and said of the once-vibrant Chinese Internet sector, “online discourse was full of disorder.” Chinese businessmen were already spooked by Xi’s attacks. now they are likely to withdraw from any Western business contacts that might be dangerous. Taiwan is the issue of most concern to many Western analysts. They will hardly be reassured that Xi drew loud applause when, after saying he wished for a peaceful reunification, that “we will never promise to renounce the use of force and reserve the right to take all necessary measures.” He blamed “interference by outside powers” (meaning the United States) and “a few separatists seeking ‘Taiwan independence’” for any problems. Xi spoke like the modern emperor he has now become. As we read his intense work report, we should remember that its author will be the most powerful Chinese leader in history – whose response to China’s economic slowdown and international isolation is full steam ahead.
